Anderson Zouaves Research

(Part 1 – from Coming to America to The Seven Days Battles)

by Robert A. Meany

July 2021

My purpose in writing this story was to document the Civil War exploits of my Great-great-grandfather, John H. Cooley, (1834-1897), an ordinary man who voluntarily participated in one of the most extraordinary events in United States history.

 It is my hope that my living relatives will preserve John H. Cooley’s memory by sharing this story with their children and their children’s children.

This is the War of the Rebellion as our ancestor saw and experienced it.

Robert Meaney (2021)

COMING TO AMERICA

My great, great grandfather, John H. Cooley was born in 1834 in the town of Hospital, a small farming community, located in the south-east of County Limerick, Ireland, on the outskirts of the City of Limerick.  It is thought that the town of Hospital acquired its name from the crusading Knights Hospitaller who built an archaeologically significant cathedral there in 1215.  Another explanation is that the town derived its name from a hospital for Knights Templar, founded in 1226 by Geoffry de Marisco, then Lord-Justice of Ireland.

John Cooley was the sixth of seven children born to Michael Cooley (1800-1861) and Mary Kearney.  John was baptized in St. Michael’s Cathedral in the nearby city of Limerick on September 3, 1834.  John’s siblings, also born in Hospital, were; Catherine (1822), Michael (1824), William (1826), James C. (1828), Edward (1831), and Andrew (1843).

According to the Emigrant Savings Bank Test Book records in New York City, John H. Cooley emigrated to the United States in 1855, at the age of 21, aboard the sailing ship Robert Kelly.  The 1860 United States Federal Census finds him living as a single man with his extended family at 311 Madison Street, a four-storey tenement building on the lower east side of Manhattan.  This apartment is the home of his older brother, William and wife Mary Ann (Fitzgerald) Cooley, and their young son James, age 4.  Also living there at that time were their father, Michael, and youngest brother, Andrew.  Since their mother, Mary (Kearney) Cooley was not present in 1860, I have to assume she had already passed away by this time or had never made the trip to America, remaining in Ireland.

On May 19, 1861, John Cooley’s father, Michael Cooley, died at the age of 61 years old of phthisis, or pulmonary tuberculosis.  He was buried in his son William’s family plot in Calvary Cemetery in Woodside, Queens.

REBELLION

Abraham Lincoln of Illinois was elected the 16^th President of the United States on Tuesday, November 6, 1860.  Before he could even be inaugurated, on March 4, 1861, seven southern states had already seceded from the Union, to form their own government, the Confederate States of America.  These seven would be joined by four more states before the end of May.

South Carolina was the first state to secede on December 20, 1860 and the South Carolina militia demanded that the U.S. Army abandon all its facilities in Charleston Harbor.  In response, Major Robert Anderson of the United States Army moved his small command, from nearby Fort Moultrie, into Fort Sumter, which was still under construction in the middle of Charleston Harbor.  A siege of the Fort ensued and the South Carolina militia seized all other Federal properties in the Charleston area.

President Lincoln notified Governor Francis W. Pickens of South Carolina that he would be sending ships to resupply Fort Sumter.  In response, the militia began bombarding Fort Sumter on April 12^th and forced its surrender the following day.

The first shots had been fired.  There was no turning back.  The country was at war!

A CALL TO ARMS

On April 15^th, 1861, three days after the attack on Fort Sumter, President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for the state militias to provide 75,000 volunteers, on 3 month enlistments, to “repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union”.  By May 3, 1861, it became obvious that additional troops would be needed for the Union to suppress the growing rebellion.  President Lincoln called for an additional 42,000 men on 3 year enlistments.

Twenty-six year old John Cooley was among the first to answer the call.

Large recruiting tents were being erected all over New York City as volunteer regiments began to form.  One such tent was pitched in Union Square, near the monument of George Washington, to serve as regimental headquarters of the 62^nd New York Volunteer Infantry.  The 62^nd NY was being organized by Colonel John Lafayette Riker, a New York City attorney, under the name and auspices of the Hero of Sumter, Major Robert Anderson.  The regiment was to be uniformed and equipped as Zouaves and known as the Anderson Zouaves.

The Anderson Zouaves obviously made an impression on John Cooley.  On June 14, 1861 he enlisted as a Private in Company G for a 3 year term of enlistment.  He reported to Saltersville, New Jersey (a section of present day Bayonne) to begin preparations to defend his adopted country.

A REGIMENT IN TRAINING

Saltersville was known as a summer resort, pleasantly situated at Newark Bay, just 5 miles from Jersey City.  It was a closely wooded locality with a shoreline that commanded a view of the broad bay and the City of Newark.  Saltersville had a resort hotel known as The Newark Bay House.  It was a large white wooden structure, two stories in height, encircled by a spacious piazza and surrounded by trees.  It was large enough to provide living accommodations for half of the Anderson Zouaves regiment.  The remainder of the regiment was housed in barracks built by the earlier arrivals to accommodate the rest of the regiment.  This training camp became known as Camp Lafayette.

The recruits in Camp Lafayette drilled four times each day.  The morning drill began immediately after the drum beat reveille at 5 AM.  It lasted one hour, followed by breakfast at 7.  Guard mount was at 7:45, and the forenoon drill ran from 9 until 11:30.  The recruits then ate dinner at 12 noon, and the afternoon drill ran from 1 to 3.  This was followed by battalion drill at 5, supper at 6:30, tattoo at 9, and taps at 9:30.  The recruits performed guard duty in camp on a revolving basis.

Leisure time was devoted to gymnastics, quoit playing, wrestling, and an occasional sparring match.  The closeness of Camp Lafayette to the bay afforded opportunities for swimming and fishing, as well as oyster and clam bakes.

On June 30, 1861, the regiment was mustered in to the services of the United States government by Captain Wakeman of the U.S. Army, taking the oath of allegiance without a dissenting voice.

CAMP ASTOR, RIKER’S ISLAND

On July 13^th, it was announced that the first two companies of the 62^nd NY would leave Camp Lafayette for Camp Astor on Riker’s Island.  At 2 PM, the Major Anderson arrived at the wharf to transport the troops.  Captain Dunyea led Company O aboard, followed by Captain Nevin and Company D.  Amid the firing of guns and hearty hoorahs, the Major Anderson pulled away, heading off down the Hudson River.

Two days later, the rest of the Zouaves made the short trip aboard the Major Anderson to join Companies O and D at Camp Astor, so named after New York City financier, John Jacob Astor III, who made a significant monetary donation to aid in the formation of the Anderson Zouave Regiment.  The last of the companies arrived on Riker’s Island at 7 PM.

The July 17^th edition of the New York Times reported the news under the header:  The Anderson Zouaves.  “This regiment transferred on Monday from Saltersville, N.J., to the barracks on Riker’s Island.  The trip up and around the bay on the camp steamer Major Anderson, was made the occasion of quite a gala time among the soldiers, who had a little field piece along and fired any number of salutes on the way …” 

Nelson Peter Dolbeck, from upstate New York, was a young recruit who would spend time serving in both Company B and Company C of the Anderson Zouaves.  He chronicled his wartime experiences in a handmade diary.  Using writing paper he purchased, scraps of paper he found, and the backside of printed handbills, he made daily entries for the entire first year of the war.  This is his description of the new camp:

“Tuesday, July 16, 1861 – This morning, the first thing I did after getting my grub (which was quite good), was to see what kind of place we had got into this time.  The island has but one dwelling house and that is a rickety old thing, and a little grocery.  I should judge that it contained about two hundred acres of land.  It is excellent, good land, but it is not half cultivated.  There is a large apple and pear orchard on this island, and a few other trees.”

The following day, he added:

“Wednesday, July 17, 1861 – Our barracks are built in two rows. The street between the two rows is about five rods wide.  One side the soldiers occupy, and the other is used by the Quartermaster, and the drummers.  The eating room is also on the same side.  The Surgeon occupies the lower end, which is attached to both rows of the barracks.  The bunks are made four deep and they are divided so that each man sleeps alone, and each Company are by themselves.  Our Company was on guard today, and I was Corporal of the guard.  My business is to relieve the guard when it is my turn.  The guard is divided into three reliefs, 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd, and there must be one Corporal for each relief.  The 1^st relief goes on post at 9 AM and the Corporal of that relief goes around the post with them, and then the 3^rd relief of the old guard is relieved, and so on.  Our grub seems to be a great deal more satisfactory to the men here than it was in Saltersville.”

UNIFORMS AND ARMS

Private Alfred Ralph of Company C., 62nd NYSV in the Line Zouave uniform, worn (with slight variations) by all the regiment’s companies, except Company I. The Advanced Company (I), wore the distinctive French Army zouave uniform.

The uniform of the 62^nd New York Volunteer Infantry consisted of a distinctive jacket, vest, sash, baggy trousers, gaiters and a fez.  The Zouave uniform, adopted by many volunteer units during the first year of the Civil War (both Union and Confederate) was based on that of the elite Zouave battalion of the French Army, whose dashing appearance matched its fighting ability.  The French Zouaves had modeled their uniform and drill after the native dress and fearless tactics of their former opponents, the Algerian Berbers, whom they fought during the colonial war of the 1830’s.  The Algerian Berbers had earned a reputation and great respect for their fast moving, agile fighting style.

On Friday, August 9, 1861, the Anderson Zouaves in Camp Astor received their long awaited uniforms.  The jackets were dark blue with scarlet facing and trim, and the pants were light blue with white stripes running the length of the outer leg.  In addition, they received two hats, one a dark blue regulation field cap and the other a red Zouave cap with a light blue tassel.

The Anderson Zouaves had been issued muskets a couple of weeks earlier on Monday, July 22^nd, and they began incorporating the Manual of Arms into their daily drills.  Two companies received Lorenz rifles and the other eight companies were issued 1812 Springfield flintlock muskets that had been converted to percussion cap.

The Springfield Model 1812 musket was old and obsolete even at the start of the Civil War, but was needed to fill arms shortages on both sides of the conflict.  It was a .69 caliber, smoothbore, muzzle loading musket manufactured at the Springfield Armory.  The muskets received by the Anderson Zouaves had been converted to percussion lock firing mechanisms which improved their reliability, but the smooth bore made them fairly inaccurate.

DEPLOYMENT IN DEFENSE OF THE CAPITAL

After weeks of excitement and anticipation, the regiment boarded the steamer Kill–Van-Kull at 11:30 PM on August 21^st, leaving Camp Astor in their wake.  John Cooley and the Anderson Zouaves were off to war!  They arrived in Elizabethport, NJ at 3 AM.

Upon disembarking the Kill-Van-Kull in the early morning hours of August 22nd, rations of bread, meat, and cheese were distributed to the troops.  The Zouaves then piled aboard a waiting train of the Central Railroad of New Jersey and began their circuitous route to Washington, D.C.  They travelled west, arriving at Phillipsburg, New Jersey at 8 AM, followed by Reading, Pennsylvania at 1:25 PM and then Harrisburg, Pennsylvania by 6 PM.  At Harrisburg, the Zouaves were finally allowed to disembark after their 15 hours of rail travel.  Following a short respite, they reboarded the train, which was switched to the Northern Central Railway Line, and reached York, Pennsylvania at 11:30 PM on its way to Baltimore.

Nelson Peter Dolbeck recorded the final leg of their journey in his diary:  “Friday, August 23, 1861 – After another night of broken rest, we arrived at last in Baltimore.  It has always been a dread to me to go through the city; as I had often heard of our troops being attacked while going through the city.  But as I talked to several of the police, (which were all Union men) I found out that but one reg’t had been fired at and that was a reg’t from Mass.  It was 4 AM when we arrived here, and I soon learned that a part of our reg’t was left behind as the cars they was in ran off the track.  We were obliged to wait for the remainder of our reg’t; thus giving me a good opportunity to see the place and its customs.  I bought several cantaloupes (muskmelons).  I could buy them from one to four cents apiece.  At about 3 PM our reg’t marched through the city of Baltimore, MD.  After getting to the depot, it took over an hour to get our supper, (which was given us by the Union Committee) and get the drunken soldiers into the cars.  At length the car started for the city of Washington.  We soon arrived at the Capital.  For our supper, we had cold pork and bread.  After supper, (11:30 PM), we was marched out a short distance from the depot, and in sight of the Capital, and was told that we could lie down for the night.  The place was very rough and stony, but after clearing away the largest stones, I lay myself down to rest.”

The Capital building, with its new dome still under construction, must have been quite an impressive site.

At 4 PM the following day, the Anderson Zouaves were formed in line of battle and began their march, through Washington, D.C, arriving at Camp Cameron on Meridian Hill, north of Washington, by 5 PM.  At 6 PM they pitched their tents and retired for the night.  The regiment was brigaded at Camp Cameron with the 6^th New Jersey, the 55^th New York Gardes Lafayette, and the 102^nd Pennsylvania.

A month later, on the 26^th of September, the regiment broke camp, in obeyance of an order received the previous evening.  They marched 3-4 miles, in the shade of the willows and poplar trees, along a road which followed the meanderings of Rock Creek, to the village of Kalorama .  On the rocky, sloping ground of Swartz Farm, the brigade found themselves at Camp Holt.

Nelson Peter Dolbeck described their march in his diary:  “Thursday, September 26, 1861.  Our regiment is now preparing to leave at 10:30.  Our tents were struck and we were ordered to sling knapsacks.  At 1:10 PM, the command was at last given to march.  I had stood on my feet for about 3 hours, and was tired enough to fall down when we was ready to start.  The place of our destination is Tiddle Town, distance about 3 miles.  We crossed several creeks, which we had to fiord.  I find that bridges are not made over ordinary streams unless it is impractical to cross them without.  Our road was very good and mostly through woods.  We halted three times and finally arrived in Camp Holt, about 5 PM, quite tired and hungry.  I received two dry crackers for my supper; (five is allowed for one meal) and many of the men got less.  After pitching our tents, I laid myself down to sleep.”

The Anderson Zouaves remained at Camp Holt until October 9^th when they, along with the rest of Peck’s Brigade, moved to Tennallytown where they replaced McCall’s Division of the Pennsylvania Reserves which had crossed the nearby Chain Bridge into Virginia the previous day.

As Nelson Peter Dolbeck recorded in his diary; “Wednesday, October 9, 1861:  At about 3 PM, our regiment was ordered to strike tents and then fall in.  We were drawn up in line of battle and after drilling about two hours, we received orders to remain in camp until morning.  This news was not very well relished, as our tents were all loaded, but we laid ourselves down upon the ground.  At 8:20 PM, we was again roused up in order to fall in and march in about fifteen minutes.  We commenced our march.  It was very dark, and in silence, we cropped along through the mud.  At 1:25 AM we halted and laid ourselves down once more to sleep.”

At this point, the Anderson Zouaves had been in the South for six weeks and they were already gaining a reputation for being undisciplined and unruly.  According to Nelson Dolbeck, “Saturday October 12, 1861 – Our regiment was now ordered to go across Chain Bridge into Virginia on pickets.  After breakfast was called out for inspection.  The Colonel told us to be ready for he expected to be called out any moment.  He also told us that we was liable to be sent to Georgia for our bad conduct.  There has been a great many complaints against the Anderson Zouaves. Everybody stands greatly in fear of them, and they are the roughest crowd I ever saw in my life.”

The Chain Bridge, a crossbeam, truss structure spanning the Potomac River, was one of the primary routes into and out of Washington, D.C. from Virginia.  The first ever Union Army Balloon Corps crossing took place overnight on October 12, 1861.  In a nine hour ordeal, the balloon Union was fully inflated on the Washington side, walked across Chain Bridge by men tending ropes, and brought out to the battlefield at Lewinsville, Virginia.  John Cooley and the Anderson Zouaves were encamped at Camp Tennally and it is quite likely they witnessed this historic event.

The Anderson Zouaves spent the entire winter at Tennallytown defending the capital.  In addition to their daily guard duty, they were sent across the Chain Bridge into Virginia on picket duty, to determine the position and strength of the Confederate forces in the area.  There were encounters with Rebel soldiers and the exchange of gunshots and words, from time to time, but there were no major incidents or engagements.

THE ADVANCE ON MANASSAS

At 10:00 AM on March 10, 1862, after a long winter sojourn at Camp Tennally, the 62^nd  New York, armed with their new P53 Enfield, .557 calibre, rifled muskets, joined the rest of the 3^rd Brigade on its march to reinforce General McCall at Manassas in Virginia.  The marching orders they received the previous day also required each man to carry a four day supply of rations in their haversacks.  The brigade crossed the Chain Bridge at 1:00 PM and marched to Langley, Virginia where they halted for an hour before marching the final two miles to Prospect Hill.  Anticipating their first real action in battle, they lay in reserve at Prospect Hill for three days, before being ordered back to their old camp at Tennallytown.   To a man the brigade was disappointed that they had not been called into battle.

In a letter to the Sunday Mercury, a New York City newspaper, Sergeant Robert F. Beasley (who signs his letter C.F.B.), described the ordeal:

“On the 10^th at 10 o’clock, the regiment marched from Camp Tennally to reinforce General McCall at Manassas.  Before we got there we got orders to halt.  The weather cleared and the boys made cedar huts, and we stayed there until Friday, and then we marched back to Camp Misery; and we halted again, and we got orders to prepare for the night.  The hills were soon illuminated with campfires, and it began to get cloudy.  On Saturday, at 1 o’clock P.M., it began to rain in torrents, and there we were, without anything to keep us dry, for we had to leave our tents at Camp Tennally when we marched.  To-day (the 16^th) at 10 o’clock we were formed into line of battle and we marched back to Camp Tennally, where we got orders to be in readiness to march tomorrow, the 17^th.  It is said we will go to reinforce the Burnside Expedition.  I hope we will have better weather than we had in Camp Misery.  We had to stand up all night.”

“If you want to be a Zouave you must not eat for three weeks, and must not drink for two weeks, and must not sleep for one week, and then you will be a Zouave.”

“Yours, C.F.B.”

McCLELLAND’S PENINSULA CAMPAIGN                                                                                    

The men in John Cooley’s brigade were not the only ones who were getting restless.  President Abraham Lincoln was becoming very frustrated with General George B. McClelland’s reluctance to mount an attack against the rebel army.

McClelland, with the retirement of General Winfield Scott on November 1st, was now General-in-Chief of the Union Army.  He had spent the winter of 1861-1862 preparing his troops for battle and building a nearly impregnable defense of Washington.  But, Lincoln was getting very impatient and continued to prod McClelland into action.  Lincoln favored a direct frontal assault from Washington to the Confederate troops positioned near Manassas.  He felt that McClelland’s superiority in troop strength would drive those forces back to Richmond, which was just 100 miles from Washington, but McClelland had ideas of his own.

McClelland’s grand plan was an alternate assault on Richmond, the capital of the Confederacy.  Rather than marching south and confronting Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston and the rebel troops amassed at nearby Centreville, Virginia, as Lincoln preferred, McClelland chose instead to attack Richmond from the south.  This bold flanking movement required him to load his army aboard ships at Georgetown and Alexandria and sail them down to Fort Monroe at the tip of the Virginia Peninsula, where they would begin their march to Richmond.  McClelland was quite certain that this assault could be accomplished before General Johnston could redirect his troops overland in response.  Lincoln and his war council reluctantly agreed.

President Lincoln decided that McClelland must no longer burden himself with the duties of General-In-Chief of all Union armies now that he was on campaign.  McClelland became commanding General of the Army of the Potomac.  He would be replaced as General-in-Chief by Henry Halleck

After eight months of inaction, the Army of the Potomac began sailing from Washington on March 17, 1862.  Keye’s 1^st Division, of which the Anderson Zouaves were a part, received orders on March 26^th for the entirety of the Division to be deployed to the Peninsula to participate in McClelland’s Campaign.  This was to be the first major Union offensive against the Confederate capital of Richmond.  They were required to march down from the heights, where they had been guarding the northern approaches to Washington and board transport ships at Georgetown Harbor.

Several entries in Nelson Dolbeck’s diary describe the ordeal:

“Wednesday, March 26, 1862 – I am now on the lower Potomac on board the Steamer William Kent, and opposite Mount Vernon.  I have not had time before now to write since we left Camp Tenley.  And it is with the greatest pleasure that I can now avail myself of this privilege.  Last Tuesday, the 25^th, at about 9 o’clock, we got orders to fall in fully equipped for a march.  We was drawn up in a line of battle on our parade ground, and soon after, commenced our march.  Colonel Riker, being relieved of the charges against him, was at the head of our column this morning, to the joint satisfaction of all the boys.  Soon after leaving our camp, the order was given to countermarch.  The order was obeyed, and we was again disappointed.  We was left at our old camp ground to get our dinners as best we could.  In about an hour, the order was again given to fall in.  The order was quickly obeyed.  We were again on our way to Georgetown.  It was impossible to keep our boys together when once in the streets of the city where there is intoxicating liquors.  And for that reason, it is impossible to leave today.“

 “Thursday, March 27, 1862 – Our steamer is going at a slow rate, as she is towing two steamers loaded with horses belonging to the artillery attached to our division.  We are now opposite a rebel battery, but it is evacuated now.”

 “Friday, March 28, 1862 – 8 AM:  I find myself on deck with pen in hand to note down a few observations.  I find that we are at anchor at Chesapeake Bay and in the immediate neighborhood of fortress manor.  It is impossible to give the reader our latitude as I have no map, which I oftentimes need.  The bay is filled with vessels of every kind, and among them can be seen the Monitor.  She is a curious-shaped craft and looks like a northern raft with a Yankee cheese box on top.  She is strongly built, being ironclad and carrying six guns.  She had an engagement with the Merrimack, a rebel gunboat a few days ago.  She drove her off Sewell’s point, now occupied by the enemy.  It has been very pleasant, under the circumstances, as we have had very fine weather.”

The first units of the Army of the Potomac had begun arriving at Fort Monroe on March 17^th.  John Cooley and the Anderson Zouaves arrived on March 28^th, some of the last to do so.

Fort Monroe, the largest coastal fortress in America, was an enormous hexagonal, masonry structure , one third of a mile across.  It had been built 15 years before the outbreak of hostilities, on Old Point Comfort, the finger of land at the tip of the Virginia Peninsula.  John Tucker, Assistant Secretary of War would later report that “his 389 vessels delivered to Fort Monroe 121,500 men, 14,592 animals, 1,224 wagons and ambulances, 44 artillery batteries, and the enormous quantity of equipage, etc. required for an army of such magnitude.”

General George McClelland had successfully sailed this massive army down the Chesapeake Bay and landed on the James Peninsula.  With the largest fighting force ever assembled in United States history, McClelland was poised to begin his assault.

“Friday, April 4, 1862 – At 4 AM reveille was beaten and at 7 AM the assembly.  In a short time our division commanded by General Canch [Couch], was on a march.”

“Saturday, April 5, 1862 – At an early hour we was again on the march.  A heavy thunder was detrimental to our comforts, as the roads soon became very muddy and slippery.  After marching about a mile, we halted for a few minutes at Young’s Mills, where the enemy had been in comfortable winter quarters.  They evacuated this place yesterday as Gen. Smith’s forces advanced.  They left in such a hurry, that they left several articles, such as kettles, canteens, axes etc. etc.  I had the pleasure of visiting several of the log houses, and I was surprised to see so much good workmanship in the erection of log houses sufficient to accommodate a full regiment.  As our brigades have been trying to cut off the enemy retreat all day, we have made only about seven miles towards Yorktown.  We are now halted at Warwick Court House, and it is night.” The magnitude of McClelland’s deployment was historic and the logistics were daunting.  Although the South was in the middle of what would be a 10 year period of drought, from 1854-1863, April of 1862 would experience rain on 16 of the 30 days in the month!  The 120,000 troops and 15,000 horses, mules and cattle had to trudge through deep mud that had been dirt roads.  The 1,200 wagons, loaded down with tons and tons of ammunition and supplies, and the forty-four batteries of artillery, sank to their axles adding to the confusion and difficulty.

THE SEIGE OF YORKTOWN

After marching to Yorktown, McClelland encountered the Confederate Army behind the rain swollen Warwick River.  He was discouraged by what he thought was a substantial enemy force awaiting him inside of strong, well-armed  fortifications sealing off the entire peninsula to his advance.  In actuality, he was facing just 11,000 Confederate troops commanded by General John Magruder.  In spite of his 10 to 1 advantage in troop strength, McClelland decided that he could not make a successful assault and instead, opted to lay siege to Yorktown.  This miscalculation of the strength of the opposing force would become a McClelland trademark.

General Erasmus Keyes had advanced on Yorktown, on the left, making up a column intended to outflank the Yorktown defenses by way of the Lee’s Mill Road.  He led two divisions, including John Cooley and the 62^nd NYVI, and a cavalry unit.

Alfred Covell Woods, Private in Company I of the Anderson Zouaves wrote a letter home to his Aunt on April 8^th:

“My Dear Aunt,

Do forgive me for delaying so long to answer your very kind and welcome letter but I have been so situated that I have seen no opportunity when I could infringe upon my duties enough to find time to even write you a few lines owing to the removal of our Regt from Tennally Town.”

“I did not receive your letter until after our arrival at Fortress Monroe.  Since then we have been toiling through the mud and water driving the Rebels and taking a few Batteries on the way.  We have now come to a stand still for the Rebels have five miles of Batteries before us to take and we have got to wait for some large siege guns before we can shell them out.  General McClelland was here yesterday making a reconnasance and he says we shall soon have work enough to do.  The Rebels throw their shells over our heads here almost every day to aggravate us but they do us no harm.  Our light artillery cannot reach them and we have to put up with it for the present.  We are all in good health here.  Provisions are very scarce.  Last night my supper consisted of a raw piece of Bacon.  The roads are almost impassable so that the teams cannot transport provisions to us.  All that we got we have to forage from the enemy and that at the risk of ourselves.  Sometimes if you look on the map you will see where we are on the Peninsula between the James and York Rivers.  I used to wish when we were at Tennally Town that we could be placed nearer to the enemy but I did not know the privations the advance of our army had to undergo until we were placed here.  Some of the Regiments in our Brigade are within speaking distance of the enemy.”

“The weather for the last two days has been wet and cold.  Our Boys have been engaged night and day in throwing up intrenchments.  We have no tents.  No fires are allowed on the advance only to cook by.”

“I have just returned from a short point above here where I could see a Regiment of the enemy drilling in the skirmish drill.  The main body of their troops together with five of their Batteries are about half a mile from here.  If they knew how we were situated here in the woods they could shell us out of here with ease.”

“A. C. Woods”

While McClelland’s army spent weeks constructing siege fortifications and moving their heavy siege guns into position, Confederate General Joseph Johnston was able to bring reinforcements to Magruder at Yorktown.  McClelland’s plans were to begin a massive artillery bombardment at dawn on May 5^th.  In the early morning hours of May 4^th, Brigadier General Samuel P. Heintzelman, commanding the III Corps, ascended in an observation balloon and found that the Confederate earthworks had been abandoned.  The Confederate Army had slipped away during the night of May 3^rd and marched toward Williamsburg, setting the stage for the first real battle of the war for Private John Cooley and the Anderson Zouaves.

THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG

General Johnston was retreating up the Peninsula towards Richmond.  Within two and a half hours of realizing that Yorktown had been evacuated, the Army of the Potomac was in pursuit.  The Virginia Peninsula is formed by the James River to the south, and the York River to the north.  The narrowest point of the Peninsula is at Williamsburg where, on May 4^th and 5^th, in a driving rain, a heavy battle ensued.

The following letter was written by Lt. Silas Titus, Adjutant of Peck’s Brigade, under the nom de plume of Scimetar.  It was published in the Syracuse Courier and Union, General Peck’s hometown newspaper on May 18, 1862, and as such, it is very complimentary to the Hometown Hero. John Cooley and the 62^nd New York Volunteer Infantry fought as a part of Peck’s Brigade at this time.  This account describes the Battle of Williamsburg as they would have experienced it.       

On the War Path

Fort Magruder, Before Williamsburg, VA, May 6, 1862

Dear Mahon. – Just after signing my note to you, we received marching orders and at 1 o’clock PM moved off – the weather being fine, but the roads indescribably bad.  The troops forced their way through the mud nine or ten miles, leaving our ammunition and baggage trains, sticking in the mud, along the road, halting a little after dark, and lay down on the wet ground.  A heavy rain set in, completely drenching everything.  At daylight we moved on without waiting for beef, bread, or baggage; made a forced march of about ten miles farther.  The mud and wet blankets on the overloaded men was too much for any but the very strongest, and many gave out or lingered behind from absolute exhaustion.  Our Brigade was far back in the long line, when the cannon several miles ahead told us the head of the column was up with the enemy.  We passed on and soon came to a large plantation with light quicksand soil, through which it was most difficult to move our artillery, or even to march our men without halting.  We forced our way over this opening to the centre of the long line then in action.  Heintzleman was blazing away on the right and Hooker on the left, and a rather weak fire in the centre, which Gen. Peck was ordered to support.  We dashed into the woods, and met the skirmishers falling back.  Several roads cut by the enemy, the exact range of which they well understood, and into which they sent their shot and shell.  A half a mile of woods, and then a similar slash, and just beyond, and directly in our front; stood the red banks of Fort Magruder, filled with the rebel army under the command of Gen. Johnston.  We worked up to the slash took the borders of the woods and opened fire.  The rebels feeling the effect, renewed their efforts.  A park of artillery in the front belched out their fire and thunder; the rifle pits in front sent their leaden messengers from a cleared space in front of the fort, over which the cannons were playing, and close up to the slashed timber.  A timber barbette, a most formidable breastwork lined with infantry at short range, showered in the bullets.  To get the hang of the woods arranged for such a contest, and under such a fire, with hungry and tired out troops, was no easy matter, but it was done, and done quickly, and well done.  Several times, the enemy perfectly understanding the ground and well-arranged slash, rushed up and attempted to drive us back; but Peck’s Brigade had taken a stand way down in Dixie, and would not go back.  The very cunning of the enemy helped to defeat themselves and shield us.  Two or three rods of this heavy pine forest gave us a vast protection and shelter, and also a splendid chance for bush-fighting.  Before we fairly got into action, the rebels made a bold dash at the battery under Gen. Hooker, just on our left, and actually carried it, and every horse was killed, but Hooker’s men rallied, Peck’s Brigade gave them a cross fire that sent them skulking to the pitts.  For a short time their fire was slackened, and then as though they would be revenged for their loss, they gathered all their strength and dashed at us again.  We could bring no battery to our aid, from the nature of the ground, as it was a difficult job for a good horse to work his way through the swamp, and we had to depend entirely on our infantry, and well it worked; and never did green troops behave better.  The crashing and falling timber and pattering of balls as they came glancing from tree to tree made it a most fearful place to stay, and in truth, I must say for you know, I am not afraid of the truth, there were several times indications that our boys would feel a little safer to put some more of those trees in front of them.  On one occasion this was so apparent that our bully little General jumped off from Old Topsy, leaving him in the jungle bush, and with a revolver in his hand, rushed forward,  calling on the men to hold every inch of the ground,  They immediately rallied, recovered their ground, and held it until the last cartridge had been fired, and the Infantry and Rifle pits went out with the day light, and as night came on we held the centre of the battlefield – and not a single cartridge left – but they had been sufficient.  The rebels were willing to quit, and did quit under the cover of darkness.  Troops with ammunition were moved up to the front and laid on their arms.  We fell back a few rods, built the campfires dried our drenched clothes, and chatted over the day’s work and prepared for another.  To-day, horses and mules were sent off to bring up ammunition.  All laid down and slept soundly, having a few pine bushes for beds to keep me above water, and the pine knots to dry out the drenching rain that continued until morning.  We were all up before day light, and already for a breakfast, or a fight, but we had neither.  The commissary stores had not come up, and the rebels had run away.  Peck’s brigade having done the handsome thing, yesterday, marched over the bloody field, the dead lying thick in ditches, in pits, and amid the fallen timbers.  The Fort, the fields, and the roads for miles were strewn with dead horses.  It was a sad sight to see.  The rain had ceased, the battle over, the sun came out warm and lovely, as any May morning.  We could look up and away over the green fields.  The now blooming forests how beautiful; but look to the ground, and O horrible to describe; how many a noble form lay cut, mangled and cold in death; and thousands of men went passing through the woods and slashes, picking up the dead and wounded left on the field where darkness closed the fight.  I will not describe the scene when the death struggle for Hooker’s battery occurred, take the bloodiest spot in the battle – it is indescribable.  The fresh troops are pursuing the retreating enemy.

We are camped on a fine old plantation, stripped of fences, and everything desolated, with long lines of ditching, and fort after fort.

The Herald’s map of the rebel’s defences on the peninsula looked formidable on paper, but vastly more so in fact; that at Lee’s Mills, abandoned a few miles back, being a more formidable work than those here.

Williamsburg was a fine old city, with considerable pretensions to the F.F.’s [Founding Fathers], but a very shabby and sorry looking place now; its resemblance to the half French and half English style of Canadian towns is remarkable.

I visited some of the hospitals to-day.  The old College [William and Mary], probably the best, with bare floors, or rather well-covered with mud and dirt; dead, dying and wounded, and fevered patients lying in filth, without anything to eat or drink, and woefully deficient in everything to heal or cure.  Oh, the horrors of war.  O, how has Old Virginia fallen.  It seems she has no sense of honor or humanity left.

Early this morning I rode up back of the fort to a large farmhouse, and in it found eighteen or twenty of their wounded, and in a barn, as many more, a few hospital stores, and some surgical instruments, and lint bandages.  The patients were suffering for the want of attention, and some very much from hasty, murderous amputations.  Passing through the house to the dissecting room in the old kitchen, I looked out of a window, and oh, horrors! what a pile of legs, hands and arms cut off and pitched into the mud.  As I was surveying this sickening sight, I cast my eye down a long, narrow lane and discovered four men with a white flag approaching.  I went out to meet the party.  A regular old Uncle Ned carried the flag followed by three sad, chop-fallen secesh soldiers.  Uncle Ned halted and waved his white flag, showed his ivory and wool, and said, “General, dese three men hab come to give in, dey is sick ob de fight.”  I stepped back into the house and promised the men I would send some assistance.  I soon after returned and found that the rebel surgeon had cleared out, taking the entire medical stock – instruments and all.

But I must close by saying that the friends of Gen. Peck, at home or elsewhere, have not been disappointed in his valuable military experience and soldierly conduct yesterday.  Under most trying circumstances he was cool and plucky to the backbone, and has done honor to himself and Syracuse, as you will have learned long before this reaches you, if justice is done, for he held the field, and turned a defeat into a victory; protected his own command and hurt more of the enemy than any other brigade in the fight.

Wounded prisoners say it was the buck and ball from our front that cut

them up so badly.  Fearful and terrible as this action was, it was so arranged that our loss in killed is about twenty, wounded one hundred, and twenty or twenty-five missing, some of whom will come in from the woods.  This may vary a little from the official report not fully made up.  I cannot state the enemy’s loss, if I did it would be old before the mail could carry it to you.  So good night.  You see I make no pretensions to describe the battle beyond our brigade.                                       

– SCIMETAR

THE BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS (SEVEN PINES)

For the past month, General McClelland and his Army of the Potomac had pushed hard up the Peninsula, but cautiously, always believing that the rebel army was far larger and stronger than his.

Confederate General Joseph Johnston continued to withdraw his 75,000 man army from the Virginia Peninsula, as McClelland’s army pursued him.  The rebels fled, burning bridges as they went.  Preparing for a siege of Richmond, that he felt was inevitable, Johnston established a strong defensive position north and east of the city.  Through the month of May, as Johnston’s forces dug in, McClelland slowly and deliberately brought his troops and artillery units into position.  He established a series of supply bases as he went and rebuilt the damaged bridges across the river.  The Army of the Potomac was now straddling the swampy Chickahominy River with three corps of the Union Army (II,V, and VI) north of the river to protect the massive supply lines of the Richmond and York River Railroad, and two corps (III and IV) south of the river facing Richmond and the Army of Northern Virginia.

On May 21^st, General Keyes IV Corps forded the Chickahominy at the Bottoms Bridge Crossing and advanced six miles to the crossroads of Seven Pines where they anchored the left flank of McClelland’s line.  From this position, the spires of Richmond were clearly visible and the church bells clearly heard.

Reacting once again to faulty intelligence, McClelland believed that his army was significantly outnumbered.  He appealed to Washington for additional troops to no avail.

Knowing that his army could not withstand a siege, and hoping to take advantage of McClelland’s divided forces, Confederate General Joseph Johnston initiated an attack on the Union lines at Fair Oaks Station on the morning of May 31^st. 

The battle raged all day with neither side gaining an advantage.  The most significant event was the wounding of General Johnston on the evening of the 31^st.  Immediately after being struck by a bullet in the right shoulder, he was struck in the chest by a shell fragment.  With General Johnston unable to lead his troops, Confederate President Jefferson Davis appointed his trusted military advisor, General Robert E. Lee to succeed him.  This would have a profound influence on the future course of the war. Nelson Dolbeck recounts the battle in a diary entry:  “May 31, 1862 – It was about 12 PM when the orders came to our camp to move up towards Casey’s Division.  Our reg’t was drawn up in line, and just then the enemy had drawn in our pickets and was opening fire on Casey’s Division.  We were ordered down about half a mile, our knapsacks were unslung, and we were awaiting our turn.  Casey’s men defended their position well, but were terribly cut to pieces.  The 55^th N.Y.S.M. now made a charge and a gallant one it was.  They, too, were cut up badly and  repulsed, and it was evident the enemy was gaining ground.  Our reg’t was ordered to the right on a double quick, and the good conduct of our boys attracted the attention of General Couch, Keyes, and Peck, and we were ordered further on the right to cut off the enemy that was trying to outflank us.  This movement was done admirably and to the letter, and thus we were engaged all of the PM until about 4 PM when our reg’t was cut off by the enemy and being now in the woods, it was impossible to get out in time to gain a good position.  The enemy now opened fire on us from our rear, and our orders were to fall back to our reinforcements, the 31^st P.V.I. and they supposing that we were the enemy, returned our fire.  Our battery to our right was playing in the woods at the same time, and under the galling fire of the enemy and our own men, (though strange as it may appear) we retreated out of the woods, planted our colors, made a determined stand, and only lost one man killed.  Our noble Col. now rode along our lines, with cheering words, and he was shot.”

The shot proved fatal.  Colonel John Lafayette Riker, Regimental Commander of the Anderson Zouaves, was killed at the head of his regiment.  His dying words are said to have been, “Boys, we’re surrounded — give them the cold steel!”

The Battle of Fair Oaks was a costly battle for both sides.  The Army of the Potomac lost 790 killed, 3,594 wounded, and 647 captured/missing.  Confederate losses totaled 980 killed, 4,749 wounded, and 405 captured/missing.

This would be the closest that General McClelland’s grand plan to capture Richmond would come to succeeding.  Following the battle, true to form, McClelland had the Union Army sit idle for another three weeks rather than press the attack.  In response, the more aggressive General Robert E. Lee counterattacked and drove the Army of the Potomac back down the Peninsula in a series of battles that would become known as The Seven Days Battles.

THE SEVEN DAYS BATTLES – (June 25, 1862 – July 1, 1862)

Wednesday, June 25, 1862:  The Battle of Oak Grove

General McClelland sought to renew his offensive and ordered elements of Major General Heintzelman’s III Corps, led by Generals Joseph Hooker and Philip Kearny, to advance west toward Richmond.  His objective was to move his siege guns approximately 1 and ½ miles closer to the city.  This would enable him to “shell the city and take it by assault”.  Directly in the path of the Union advance was a dense forest of oak trees known as Oak Grove.  On the other side of Oak Grove awaited Confederate General Benjamin Huger and his division of South Carolinians.  After a day of attacks and counterattacks, that lasted until nightfall,  the Union forces had advanced just 600 yards.

General Lee, realizing that his army was going to be unable to survive a siege of Richmond, decided he must go on the offensive.

Thursday, June 26, 1862:  The Battle of Beaver Dam Creek (Mechanicsville)

On the morning of the 26^th, the Union V Corps under Brigadier General Fitz John Porter, occupied the high ground around Mechanicsville, just five miles northeast of Richmond.

The Confederate battle plan called for Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s command to turn Union General Fitz John Porter’s right flank, getting above and behind the Union army, threatening their supply lines.

Jackson’s men completed a very difficult 18 mile march from the Shenandoah Valley to Richmond, but did not arrive as early as anticipated.  Major General A.P. Hill, a division commander in Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, waited until 3:00pm for Jackson’s men to arrive.  When they did not, he initiated the crossing of the Chickahominy River, just the same, along with a brigade from General D.H. Hill’s division.  This unexpected move triggered the Confederate offensive without Stonewall Jackson’s crucial forces.  A.P. Hill’s men, the “Light Division” swept into Mechanicsville with very little resistance from Brigadier General George McCall’s Pennsylvania Reserves.  The Pennsylvanians dropped back to a much stronger defensive position on the eastern side of the waist-deep Beaver Dam Creek.

Five of the six brigades under A.P. Hill, 11,000 men in all, pushed to the edge of the creek under heavy Union artillery and infantry fire.

Weary from the long march, Jackson and his men eventually arrived on Porter’s flank, although it was too late in the day to make a difference.  As with most Civil War battles, the arrival of sundown signaled the end of the fighting.  Not a single Confederate soldier had reached the Union line, east of the creek.  Confederate casualties numbered 1,400, compared to just 350 from Porter’s V Corps.

Beaver Dam Creek was a clear Union victory.  However, in losing his first battle, Robert E. Lee had set the stage for winning the campaign.

Friday, June 27, 1862:  The Battle of Gaines’ Mill

  At Gaines’ Mills, north of the river, Lee had Fitz John Porter’s V Corps backed up to the Chickahominy River.

While fighting raged on Porter’s front at Gaines’ Mill, north of the river, McClelland remained at his headquarters, south of the river, anticipating the need to defend against “superior numbers” at every point along his own line facing Richmond.  McClelland sent only one division of reinforcements to fight alongside the V Corps.  This division included John Cooley and his 62^nd New York Infantry. Seven other divisions sat idly by in their entrenchments, south of the river, for an attack that McClelland envisioned but never materialized.

Positioned in a strong defensive line behind the Boatswain’s Swamp, the V Corps was able to beat back successive attacks throughout the day.  But at dusk, with the arrival of Stonewall Jackson and D.H. Hill and their divisions, the Confederate forces made one last assault on the enemy line and it broke, sending the V Corps fleeing towards the river.  Only darkness saved them from total disaster.  In the disorganized retreat, Porter lost 22 guns and had 2,800 men taken prisoner.  During the night, the rest of the Union forces, including the 62^nd NY, fled south

across the Chickahominy, burning the bridges they had rebuilt just a few weeks before.

That night, convinced that the rest of his army would be overrun as well, McClelland issued orders for a full retreat.  McClelland then wrote a telegram to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton telling him, “You have done your best to sacrifice this army.”  And so began a series of rear guard actions as the Army of the Potomac marched towards the safety of the James River.

While the battle was raging at Gaines Mill, north of the Chickahominy, Lee tried to take advantage of the divided Union Army.  Minor actions at Garnett’s Farm, on the north side of the river, and Golding’s Farm, south of the river, were also being fought.  Although these attacks caused no significant damage to either side, it further convinced McClelland to continue his retreat to Harrison’s Landing on the James River to, in his words, “take a different base of operations”.

Saturday, June 28, 1862

On the fourth day of Lee’s offensive, there was a lull in the fighting while Lee waited to see what McClelland would do. Some of General Magruder’s Confederate forces attacked near Garnett’s and Gouldin’s farms, but with little result.

On his way to the safety of Harrison’s Landing on the James, McClelland packed his trains, destroyed whatever supplies he could not take with him, and burned White House Landing. His artillery and two infantry corps moved to cover his retreat.

That evening Lee gave orders to pursue the retreating Army of the Potomac. General Magruder and General Benjamin Huger would hold the Union’s rear guard in place while General Stonewall Jackson and General D.H. Hill would cross the Chickahominy River and stay north and east of the Union army to protect Richmond. General James Longstreet and General A.P. Hill would circle around the rest of the army to cut off the Union retreat. If all went as planned, Lee could catch and destroy McClelland’s army.

Sunday, June 29, 1862: The Battle of Savage’s Station

Confederate General John Magruder attacked the Union rear guard at Savage’s Station. The Union forces of Major General Edwin Sumner’s II Corps, the Union rear guard, held their ground until the fighting ended at 9:00 PM, giving the bulk of the Army of the Potomac time needed to effectuate their evacuation.

Monday, June 30, 1862: The Battle of Glendale

Lee’s final attempt to intercept the Union Army was at the Battle of Glendale. McClelland kept more than half of his army near the Glendale crossroads, which was vital to the retreat because most of the major roads from Richmond to the James River converged there. General McClelland, himself, along with Keye’s IV Corps (including John Cooley and the 62^nd New York) and two divisions of Porter’s V Corps had already reached the James River at Malvern Hill.

The Confederate plan of attack was for most of the Union forces to be engaged north of Glendale, allowing Longstreet, A.P. Hill and Magruder to cut the Union army retreat route. Poorly executed orders and a delay in the arrival of the troops of General Stonewall Jackson and General Huger allowed the Union forces to escape, setting the stage for the last of the Seven Days Battles.

Tuesday, July 1, 1862: The Battle of Malvern Hill

With McClelland’s forces in sight of the James River, just seven miles from Harrison’s Landing, General Lee felt that he had one more chance to defeat the Army of the Potomac. On the morning of July 1^st, Lee’s army found the Union forces in a defensive position atop the imposing heights of Malvern Hill. Malvern Hill was a plateau shaped hill, 130 feet high and one mile long. Shaped like a horseshoe, its open end facing north, toward the approaching rebel troops. Malvern Hill featured extremely steep, wooded slopes on its southern and western sides, making it a very defensible position for the Union troops. The northern side of the hill was the broad, gently sloping, cultivated fields of the Crew and West farms that the rebels would have to cross to make their attack. With their superior artillery batteries in place atop the hill and a superb field of fire for the infantry, the Union Army was prepared to do battle on their terms.

John Cooley and the 62^nd NY, as a part of Howe’s Brigade (the 2^nd), Couch’s Division (the 1^st), of Keyes IV Corps, were positioned atop Malvern Hill in the center of the horseshoe, facing the onrushing troops of General D.H. Hill.

General A. P. Howe’s battle report describes the action:

The Battle of Malvern Hill, Official Report of Gen. Howe.Headquarters Howe’s Brigade, Couch’s Division, Harrison’s Landing, July 5, 1862.

Captain: In obedience to instructions from the Headquarters of the 1^st Division of the 4^th Army Corps, I have the honor to submit a report of the operations of the brigade under my command at the battle of Malvern Hill on the 1^st last. The brigade on that day was composed of the following regiments, viz.:

The 102d (old 13^th) Pennsylvania Volunteers, commanded by Col. Rowley; the 98^th Pennsylvania, commanded by Col. Ballier; the 93d Pennsylvania, commanded by Capt. Long; the 62d New York, commanded by Colonel Nevin; and the 55^th New York, commanded by Lieut. Col. Thourot.

The position of the brigade was on the right of the division line of battle, the right of the brigade resting on a deep ravine running obliquely to the front, and impassible for artillery and cavalry, but practicable for infantry, the edge of the ravine on the right being covered by a thin belt of woods. From the right the brigade line extended to the left in an open field, except at a small space of woods which covered the left center. The ground in our rear was uncovered for three-fourths of a mile.

In front of our line of battle the ground was open and admitted the easy passage of any troops except in front of our left center, which was wooded, the cover extending to within some 500 yards of our front. The brigade line was formed a little before 8 a.m., and immediately after Capt. Moser’s New York battery reported to me and was posted in our line so as to sweep the open ground in our front, and if necessary to shell the woods. Before the enemy had completed his disposition for attack, having already gotten some of his artillery into position in our front, an order was received withdrawing Capt. Moser’s battery, and although the ground was admirably adapted for the play of artillery, I was left for a time without any with which I could reply to that of the enemy. A little before 9 a.m. the enemy succeeded in placing a field battery about 1,200 yards in advance of our front, and a second battery at a more distant point to our right and front.

When the enemy, without any annoyance from us, had quite completed his artillery preparations, he opened fire upon our lines with his two batteries. Their artillerymen were without the range of our rifles, and I ordered the brigade to lie down and await the advance of their infantry.

The rebel battery nearest us was worked with much speed and some skill, occasionally doing some little injury within our lines; but the battery more distant was not worthy of any notice, doing us no manner of injury or even approaching it.

When the rebel batteries had continued their fire to their satisfaction the enemy threw forward, under cover of the woods in our front, a large body of infantry, and attacked our center. When the attacking force came within the range of our arms our whole line sprang to their feet and poured into the enemy a withering fire. The rebels stood well up to their work and largely outnumbered us, but our men had the vantage ground and were determined not to yield it. The firing continued with much violence on both sides, but the fire of the enemy, being generally too high, did us comparatively little injury. Soon, however, the advantage of our grounds and the superiority of our arms became evident in the effects of our fire upon the enemy. The enemy began to waver. I then ordered the 102d Pennsylvania, Colonel Rowley, which was held in reserve, to advance with our line upon the enemy. Nobly and gallantly did every man of the regiment respond to the order, and the impetuous dash of our men the enemy could not stand, but gave way, and were sent back, much cut up and in disorder, over the ground on which they advanced. This success gave us much advantage of position, by allowing the left center of the brigade line to rest upon the woods, some 800 yards in advance of our first position, and at the same time affording us a cross-fire upon any second attempt of the enemy upon our position.

At this time I was re-enforced by detachments from two Maine regiments, which being posted on my right in support of the Ninety-third Pennsylvania, gave me much additional strength. I was soon again re-enforced by Capt. [Snow’s] battery, the Twenty-third Pennsylvania Regiment, Colonel Neill.

The enemy’s batteries, after the repulse they met with, discontinued their fire, but kept their position.

On being re-enforced by Captain [Snow’s] battery I immediately placed it in a favorable position to bear upon the rebel battery that had annoyed us with its fire in the beginning of the action. The battery at once opened fire upon them with fine effect, the spherical case-shot doing good execution on their teams and among their artillerymen. The rebel battery replied spiritedly for a time, and after a sharp cannonading from our battery it drew off the field. During this cannonading the enemy kept up a sharp fire of musketry at long range, but with little or no effect. In the mean time I was again re-enforced by two other Pennsylvania regiments, under the command of Colonel Barlow, from General Caldwell’s brigade. The firing now became very heavy on the part of the division on my left and by the aid of a glass I could discover the rapid movement of bodies of the enemy to my left. At this time a division staff officer came to me for any assistance I could send to our left. I immediately ordered the battery and the three last regiments that had come to my support to the left. The enemy again came down upon the left and center of our division in strong force and was again repulsed, Colonel Nevin’s regiment, the Sixty-second New York, on the left of my brigade, gallantly joining with the left of the division in the repulse. The enemy again rallied, and the firing continued sharp along the whole line of the division.

About this time, between 6 and 7 p.m., my brigade was re-enforced by Captain De Russy’s regular battery, of the Fourth Artillery, which was at this time of great assistance, as night was coming on and the enemy seemed determined to make one more last effort before abandoning the field. The battery took a fine position, and delivered its fire, with that of the whole brigade and division line, with marked effect, until after 9 p.m., when the enemy gave up the field.

I inclose herewith a list of the casualties in the brigade during the day, and when it is considered that the brigade was under fire over twelve hours, and a portion of the time hotly engaged, I think the whole loss sustained, being in aggregate 208, will be considered small.

More thanks are justly due to Captain J. Heron Foster, of the One Hundred and Second Pennsylvania Regiment, a member of my staff, for the gallantry and untiring energy with which he performed far more than his duties from early morning until late at night. He was the only staff officer I had during most of the day, the other members of the staff being disabled early in the action.

I am, captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A.P. HOWE, Brigadier-General

Capt. Francis A. Walker, Assistant Adjutant General, Couch’s Division, 4^th Corps d’Armie

After the Battle of Malvern Hill, Albert Harrisson Brown of the 62^nd N.Y.V.I., Company E, made the following entry in his diary:

“July 1^st, 1862 – Battle of Malvern Hill – Stationed in a Peach Orchard, back of a large house, with Oat field sloping in front. We drove the enemy back from three charges and captured a rebel flag. I was wounded in right-upper arm and right breast. We were pressed severely but held our ground. Commenced fighting at 9:30 A.M. and held our ground, made a charge against a charge and repulsed the rebs. At night retreated to Harrison’s Landing on the James River.”

Of the Battle of Malvern Hill, Confederate General D.H. Hill would later write, “It was not war – it was murder.” Hill had lost nearly a third of his men in the ill-advised attack.

The only surviving pages of a letter, written at Harrison’s Landing, by an unknown Union soldier, describes the aftermath of the battle and the following night march from Malvern Hill. It begins mid-letter:

“ … in this business was to carry, by stretchers borne by the larger drummer boys & the landsmen, the wounded boys from the battlefield to the hospital, a full mile & a quarter.

“Two, (in the absence of needed stretchers) I proceeded to mount my horse and ride. After this was done & all the wounded of our regiment brought in, I assisted the Dr. in attending to the wounded. Sickening was the sight. The large yard shaded by the trees was filled, men wounded in all ways. In the house they were amputating & operating. Groans & cries were heard with moans. About 11 o’clock we began to observe a movement to the rear. It had been going on for some time.”

“About 12 o’clock we started off all our wounded men who could walk & urged them to hasten away towards this landing.”

“Three, 20 officers, Lieut. Pemberton of our regiment with ankle severely bruised with a shot & Lieut. Dawson of the 61^st (formerly of 23d) were put upon stretchers & given in care of the band. About 2 or later, the Doctor & myself in company with other surgeons started. We made our way through masses of moving regiments, artillery, wagons, & stragglers as best we could. About 8 o’clock yesterday (Wednesday) morning, we reached this place. This mass movement was made with all celerity, but with great order. It has been quite successful, though not so successful as that on Saturday, Sunday, and Monday.”

“We are now encamped very closely together in a large wheat field, the old Berkeley Estate, the place where Harrison was born, hence called Harrison’s landing. So many tramping now, the torrents of rain have made it one vast mud puddle. New troops, some say 20, or 30, or 40 thousand, are coming up. The immediate cause of our retiring after Tuesday’s battle was this — only a half days hard bread remained on hand & no more could be brought up from the river. We fell back to the river, therefore, to get needed subsistence. We whipped the enemy severely on Tuesday, with comparatively little loss to ourselves. Our regiment lost 2 killed with shells & 23 wounded. 2 or 3 mortally. Some 2 or 3 were wounded by grape shot from our own cannon.”

“Dearest, give my love to all. Please thank the Ladies Aid Society for their box. It came in the very time it was most needed. The bandages and lint did good service.”

“Do not make this letter public, Your loving Husband”